Cui Bono? The COVID-19 ‘Conspiracy’
1. What We Know
We are approaching the first anniversary of the coronavirus crisis in the UK, and more and more people — on the Twitter account of the Secretary of State for Health and Social Care, in the Facebook pages set up to share censored interviews with scientists, in the online platforms not yet shut down for discussing the evidence against lockdown, in the illegal meetings of friends in the homes of the people that host them, in the thousands of discussions and exchanges that happen at every act of resistance, every demonstration, every march — know that this crisis has been manufactured. But what else do we know?
We know now that
In this respect, although more credible than, say, Hitler’s conspiracy of Jewish bankers for Bolshevism, Curtis’s histories, in both their theoretical model of change and in the methodology of their telling, with archive footage bringing a veneer of history to historically meaningless generalisations, are exemplary of conspiracy theories in general. Power is located in the hands of a few individuals, who are limited to the intellectuals and mavericks who formulate the ideas, the scientists and engineers who develop the technology that allows those ideas to be realised, the CEOs and bankers who fund their implementation or the politicians and generals who put them into practice. Like the old histories of kings and queens and the wars they started, this is a history of the elite. The masses appear only as the object of their manipulations, the foot-soldiers they send to war, the victims they killed, and the civilians back home who waved their national flags and corporate logos and cheered. What this model of history does is two things.
First, such immense power and influence is attributed to this elite that they are depicted as more than kings, almost as gods, employing all the rapidly-evolving power of technology, whether that’s computers, robotics, the internet of things, artificial intelligence, 3D printing, nanotechnology, biotechnology, quantum computing or the military hardware they drive.
This, I believe, is why Curtis’s otherwise so traumatic accounts of our manufactured impotence are so popular, so available for viewing on mainstream media platforms that otherwise refuse to report on what is happening in the world, so readily consumed by a UK public otherwise indifferent to the suffering our Government inflicts on other countries and peoples, and why they have become the primary model by which the world is now explained and understood. In a choice between being told that we are flies to the wanton boys running the world and blank incomprehension at the vast and terrifying complexity of that world, it seems we overwhelmingly prefer the first story for our evening’s television.
Perhaps I should start by saying that I imagine the organisations and individuals named in Curtis’s programmes, like the ones named in the conspiracy theories about COVID-19, do all behave like conspiracists. I haven’t forgotten the distinction made by an unnamed senior adviser in the George W. Bush administration between a ‘reality-based community’ and a ‘faith-based presidency’. This was reported in the
Marx was right. When the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production — in legal terms its property relations — a period of social revolution begins. ‘With the change of the economic foundations’,
Capitalism has a grip on the world the like of which it has never had before, and as it faces the long-heralded limits to that expansion it is developing new forms and powers to extend that grip further over the world’s diminishing resources. But there is no single government or corporation ruling the globe, no secret society whose members sit on every cabinet and board. The US Government is the greatest military power the world has ever seen, and the United Nations has long been superseded by far more unaccountable coalitions of state and corporate powers whose activities are largely secret and getting more so. And the power of technology to monitor and control the world’s populations is expanding at an exponential rate in both breadth and depth. But the world is not a single, supra-political block. There is no invisible hand of the market-god ruling over us, for good or for evil; there are only devils competing for his crown. The world undergoing this revolution in capitalism remains a conflict whose battleground, now and for the immediate future, is the coronavirus crisis. What makes that conflict new for Western democracies is that the war being waged is a civil one, of governments against their own people, rather than against other countries. By looking at how this civil war is being waged, therefore, we can begin to understand to what ends it is being fought. And, hopefully, from better understanding the field of battle and our place on it, we can stop being the canon-fodder of dictators both known and unknown, desert the ranks of compliance, and start deciding ourselves what battles we want to fight, how and against whom.
4. Capitalising on the Crisis
What is lacking in Curtis’s model of history — the conspiracy theory of history — is its mediation through capitalism — what the German philosopher and sociologist, Theodor Adorno, would have called its ‘dialecticisation’. In conspiracy theories, capitalism is the producer of the wealth whose accumulation is the basis of power, the source of the technology by which we are deceived, the cause of the periodic crises that further tighten its grip on the world, the origin of the wars fought for its expansion; but capitalism is never a site of conflict itself. In conspiracy theories, the agents of history — whether it’s the CIA, the WHO or the G7 — always act directly upon it. Their agency is abstracted from the material relations of capitalism and hypostasised as ‘power’. But nightmares, to refer back to Curtis’s programme, do not drive the world, however much conspiracy theorists like to attribute such influence to those that produce them for our consumption. The material productive forces of capitalism drive the world, and unless a nightmare benefits those having it, they will wake up and the nightmare will vanish into the night. No war has ever been fought that did not make those declaring it richer and more powerful; and for a year now, despite the Government and its advisors repeatedly telling us that ‘no-one wants lockdown’, enough people have been benefitting from the coronavirus nightmare to keep the Western democracies of capitalism asleep and terrified. Without those benefits, all the power of nightmares at the disposal of all new technology wouldn’t be enough to keep us dreaming. So let’s see if we can wake from the sleep of reason and look with open eyes at whom it is benefitting.
I’m not going to discuss the corruption that most people in the UK are aware of without it changing their opinion of the Government’s narrative about the virus or answering their question of whom this crisis benefits. I’ve recorded examples of this corruption throughout my previous articles, whether it’s the tech companies being awarded untendered contracts for the various programmes of the biosecurity state, the manufacturers of medical supplies newly formed by Government ministers to make and distribute masks and other requirements of Government policy, or the pharmaceutical companies set to make billions from the Government making vaccines mandatory. Benito Mussolini reportedly defined the fascist state as when a cigarette paper cannot be passed between the interests of the government and corporate interests. But corruption in the UK is not only commonplace, it’s the norm. There’s nothing new about Government contracts being awarded to the friends of ministers and donors to the Conservative party. Such practices don’t reflect a new stage in capitalism but, rather, a further stage in the descent into the nepotism and unaccountability of what is now a constitutional dictatorship. Instead, I’m going to talk about the systemic changes to the superstructure — our political, legal and social forms — that are both accommodating and implementing this new revolution in capitalism. Because these changes are being implemented not through sweetheart deals between political parties and their corporate backers, but at a lower and far more pervasive level of capitalism.
Capitalism is typically understood as being derived from the noun ‘capital’, meaning the funds or stock that are the basis for commercial or financial operations, and a ‘capitalist’ as someone in possession of sufficient capital to use it in business enterprises. But capitalism is also a cognate of ‘capitalise’, which means not only to convert into a capital sum but also to use to one’s advantage, in economic terms to make capital out of; and it’s in this sense that the function of the coronavirus crisis within the changing relations of production and ownership in Western capitalism is best understood.
As a registered community interest company, Architects for Social Housing is contacted daily by a myriad of companies seeking to capitalise on this crisis. These include architectural practices promoting ‘COVID-secure’ designs of the new office space if and when we’re permitted to return to work; designers promoting reconfigurations of residential spaces into a space in which we can ‘work from home’; various regulatory bodies informing us of the obligations of businesses towards their staff in a ‘post-COVID world’; law practices selling seminars in the changes to employment law in the wake of the latest bit of coronavirus-justified legislation; financial advisors keeping us up to date with the various Government grants available to businesses negatively impacted financially by the imposition of coronavirus-justified lockdown; medical suppliers advertising the latest, most effective and most fashionable ‘COVID-compliant masks’ for our employees; pharmaceutical companies selling cheap, easy and reliable RT-PCR and Lateral Flow antigen tests for the regular screening of staff; sellers of antibacterial door handles and touchless coffee machines; invites to symposia in which figures in the industry will explain the commercial possibilities of housing provision within the changed economic landscape; tech companies promoting the safety, security and benefits of conducting business meetings by their particular video communications package; marketing companies offering a free consultation in expanding our client base into the homes of a newly relocated workforce; management consultants offering interactive online seminars on the impacts of COVID-19 on the contractual obligations of employer and contractor and how to manage risk; businesses advertising ‘webinars’ offering advice, support and guidance for small businesses ‘during the pandemic’; debt collectors offering ‘no collection, no commission’ deals for companies falling into insolvency ‘due to the pandemic’; retraining programmes for industry professionals on furlough under the Government’s Job Retention Scheme; private health practitioners offering to help us overcome the challenges of staying healthy under lockdown restrictions; recruitment agencies with guides to how to provide effective mental health care for employees ‘during the outbreak’; IT companies renting hosted desktop bundles to run our main line-of-business applications in the cloud since ‘it looks like businesses will continue to ask their employees to work from home if they can for the foreseeable future’; online continual professional ‘lockdown learning’ sessions on emergency lighting, cavity trays aluminium roof tiles and concrete repair; interactive online seminars on delay and extension of contracts caused by uncertainty during the pandemic; ‘coronavirus hubs’ for the latest news and support for small businesses; newly launched pharmacies run by banks to deliver repeat prescriptions to our door safely together with ‘a reminder of when to take our medicine’; concerned enquiries into how we are finding the latest lockdown restrictions from a business listings company; an interactive online seminar on how to complete a ‘robust COVID-19 risk assessment before re-mobilising your workforce’; purveyors of a ‘mobile COVID-19 barrier’ made to professional and commercial standard and ‘suitable for any space that requires distancing measures for personal or public protection’; first aid training courses for employees to ensure our organisation is ‘compliant with current legislation’; leaflet distribution as the most effective way of advertising during the ‘current restrictions’ when more people are working at home; IT solutions allowing employees to work from home under lockdown or if we’re giving up renting office space for good; covert installation of tracking devices for company vehicles featuring ignition start alerts, driver monitoring, geo-zones and route violation, panic alerts, road-speed limit alerts, virtual odometer, animated replays and more; and invites to a virtual summit on how to ‘build back better’ for our ‘post COVID recovery’.
That’s just in the last couple of weeks, and just for our small company; but it conveys, I hope, something of how all UK companies are now attempting to capitalise on this crisis by offering new services responding to the opportunities created by coronavirus-justified restrictions. The word ‘lockdown’ has only negative connotations, and the media is full of stories about the jobs lost, the businesses gone into receivership, and the entrepreneurs declaring bankruptcy. That’s all true, but, once again, it paints a distorted picture of what is happening with the economy, much like Adam Curtis’s depictions of the unassailable power of a secret elite. And like his films, this inaccurate depiction of the changes to capitalism under its newly emerging superstructure forces us to ask why this transformation of our political, legal and social forms has been imposed and, at the same time, prevents us from answering that question. And the desired result is that we are faced, once again, with a choice between, on the one hand, a civilisation-threatening virus and the unprecedented changes they necessitate and, on the other, a secret conspiracy designed to destroy capitalism for unclear ends.
But the truth is that capitalism is not being destroyed. Rather, capitalism is going through what Marx
One of the barriers to answering the question of why this is being done, if not in response to a civilisation-threatening virus, is a misunderstanding of agency. When we ask who is doing this and to what ends, we implicitly frame the answer around a group of individuals, corporations, governments or international organisations all working in collaboration towards an agreed, desired and planned end. And that, unsurprisingly, is not believable except to those who understand the world according to the conspiracy theory of history. It was precisely this that was meant when, in response to my last article,
It should be clear by now that I am not suggesting this, while not denying that, by definition, the foremost concern of those in power is to subjugate those who are not. But the question, which is not unique to this reader, does more than answer itself (for the only answer to this question can be ‘no’). In addition, it constrains the answer to a binary choice, neither of which is supported by the way capitalism has become the dominant economic system in the world, by asking the wrong question. What this question does is mistake agency with intentionality, effect with motivation. ‘What is the motivation? With what long-term objective? And by whom?’ was what another reader asked me. My approach to answering this question — and the title for this article — was suggested by another reader, who wrote: ‘The question that I always come back to is why? Cui bono?’ It’s a better question, because unlike the first it doesn’t offer an obviously unacceptable answer; but asking ‘why’ this is being done is not the same as asking ‘whom does it benefit’.
Benefit, whether financial or in power, may explain, as Lucius Cassius believed, who committed an act, and especially a crime, but it does not explain why something has happened. The man who sold his shares in a pharmaceutical company the day its vaccine was announced to have an efficacy of 95 per cent can with some assurance be identified as having an interest in circumventing the normal procedures for establishing the safety of that vaccine; but it does not explain why the vaccine rose in value sufficient to make him, as it did the CEO of Pfizer, three-quarters of a million dollars in profit in a single day. Dr. Albert Bourla did not conspire with the US Government, the US Food and Drug Administration, the World Health Organisation or any other organisation to create the circumstances under which his company could sell over a billion doses of an uncertified vaccine to the governments of the world on the back of this crisis. On the contrary, he did what every other business writing to the e-mail of Architects for Social Housing has done: he sought to capitalise, both as a shareholder in and the CEO of the company, on the existing market condition. Of course, as the second biggest pharmaceutical company in the world, Pfizer has far more money with which to lobby the UK Ministers who award the Government contracts, far more capital to invest in producing a product accepted by them in record time, far greater access to the media that creates the climate of hysteria and fear in which that product is demanded and accepted by the public, and far more funding to invest in the regulatory bodies agreeing to bypassing normal safety measures to authorise the use of their hastily developed product. As I have documented in my article,
FEBRUARY 19, 2021CategoriesBiopolitics
‘For whether or not the age of revolutions is over, the age of state-formation has only just begun.’
— T. J. Clark, Farewell to an Idea, 1999
Table of Contents
What We Know
The Conspiracy Paradox
The Power of Nightmares
Capitalising on the Crisis
Disruption and Redeployment
The Emerging Ideology
Biosecurity as Cultic Practice
The Authoritarian State
Brave New World
The Time Given to Us
Hegel remarks somewhere that the owl of Minerva only spreads its wings with the fall of night. By this he meant that history is always written in retrospect about an already realised world. In 1940, no-one could know what every school-child knew in 1945: who won the Second World War. In five years’ time, perhaps, everyone will know the outcome of the current revolution in Western capitalism. But by then it will be too late. The owl of Minerva, the goddess of wisdom, will be on the wing, and we will be left in the darkness. But if we are to keep the light of knowledge burning in her lamp, we can at least try to awaken from the sleep of reason into which we have fallen, and try to anticipate what monsters will emerge from the dark.
Can’t Get You Out of My Head, which is available to view on the BBC now, is an account of the rise of conspiracy theories told through barely articulated connections between individuals and events driven or guided by never identified forces. Significantly, though, over the more than 8 hours of its 6 episodes, the coronavirus crisis warrants only the briefest of mentions 10 minutes from the end, where Curtis merely repeats the standard liberal response about COVID-19 exacerbating inequalities in Western democracies. Some conspiracy theories, it seems, are off-bounds even to a BBC producer.